ELECTION OF SECRETARY YOUNG DEMOCRATS OF THE PROVINCE OF VICENZA
Friday, January 23 the provincial assembly of the Young Democrats, composed of 36 delegates from across the province elected at the primaries of 21 November, unanimously elected the first provincial secretary of the young PD: is James Poss, Vicenza 18-year-old student high school.
"We were born when the major parties of the First Republic were either dead or about to do so - said the newly elected secretary - we do not have laces and snares derived from the military past, we do not have legacies of the past: our duty is to give the party content, modes of communication, ideas are those of our time, not that of our fathers. The first major opportunity to put to the test will be amministrative: vedrete che ci faremo notare con proposte originali e modi innovativi di fare campagna”.
Con il voto di venerdì si chiude la fase congressuale della giovanile del PD che ha portato all’elezione del segretario nazionale Raciti, del regionale Silvestri e ora del segretario provinciale.
I giovani del PD in realtà erano presenti nella nostra provincia già da più di anno sotto la gestione provvisoria di Elisa Cavalli e dello stesso Giacomo Possamai promuovendo iniziative come la scuola politica Informamenti e affiancando il partito in campagna elettorale.
Sunday, January 25, 2009
Wednesday, January 21, 2009
Party Welcome Letter Examples
My dreams Here I am
Huge wings have my dreams,
and fly up to
every little breath of wind.
Many colors are my dreams,
between their endless
iridescent shades,
amber reflections.
sweet scents have my dreams,
of roses in bloom
and fruits of all kinds,
an 'other spring.
Big dreams are my dreams, in their small
not afraid to expose themselves
only to come true.
Huge wings have my dreams,
and fly up to
every little breath of wind.
Many colors are my dreams,
between their endless
iridescent shades,
amber reflections.
sweet scents have my dreams,
of roses in bloom
and fruits of all kinds,
an 'other spring.
Big dreams are my dreams, in their small
not afraid to expose themselves
only to come true.
Tuesday, January 20, 2009
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YOUNG PEOPLE, THE UNION AND THE CRISIS
Questo è un breve riassunto dei temi trattati in un intervento che ho fatto lunedì scorso al convegno dell'associazione Olof Palme su " Il sindacato e la crisi". Mi era stato richiesto un piccolo discorso su come i giovani vedono il sindacato e su come vivono questo momento di crisi.
Vorrei partire da due domande che vorrei sviluppare all‘interno del mio breve discorso.
La prima è questa: come può stare insieme la necessità di rappresentare le istanze dei giovani, che sono i più colpiti dalla crisi che va ad escludere per primi i precari (e quindi i giovani) dal mondo del lavoro, con il dato oggettivo del peso dei pensionati e degli iscritti anziani nelle liste dei confederali?
L'età dei lavoratori italiani union members is the highest in Europe. In Italy, the median worker union member has forty-four, four more than the European average.
The second question, in reality, it contains two: the reform of the labor market passes through the shift in the retirement age but this is likely to prevent young people from access to the job?
Very simply: If a man works up to 65 years instead of up to 62 for three years, he occupied a job that should be a young successor.
But at the same time not increase the retirement age is attributable to a pension system to the extreme, since it is more and more and pensions to be paid more and longer.
In Italy you retire at age 58, compared with 62 of the OECD average while youth unemployment is exactly twice the OECD average. This
how is it possible? Let's retire early but not free places for young people: there is something wrong.
Today a worker contributions and income taxes, pays about 45% of his salary to those who are retired, who in his time did not hold more than 30% of their salary.
E 'only natural that those who started work today will have a pension much lower (20-30% less than last salario) di chi la percepisce oggi.
Vediamo ancora una volta come questo sia il paese dei conflitti irrisolti nord vs sud, pubblico vs privato, giovani vs vecchi.
Questo tema viene ben approfondito in un libro che è stato pubblicato l'anno scorso, scritto da Tito Boeri e Vincenzo Galasso, dal titolo “Contro i giovani”.
I due autori sviluppano appunto la tesi che la classe dirigente di oggi stia agendo contro le giovani generazioni. C’è una frase molto bella che viene ripetuta più volte nel libro: i genitori italiani sono molto generosi coi propri figli e lo sono molto poco con quelli degli altri.
Non stiamo pensando al domani: su ogni giovane italiano gravano 80000 euro € 250,000 of debt and debt retirement.
Here is the link to the current crisis we are experiencing.
Riccardo Illy in his latest book "The Chinese frog" and in a recent interview supports the thesis that the crisis may also contain the opportunity to destabilize sclerotized structures and to allow innovation in terms of social relations and economic dynamics.
After the reforms in Italy arrived in the 90's in a period of severe financial reform. When things go wrong it's easier because you are forced to intervene. The British also have a name for a moment like this, they call TINA: There Is No Alternative, we have no choice. A third reform of European labor market and social protection systems in the past two decades have been made in times of recession: the negative consequences we draw from a positive to finally make the structural reforms that serve our country.
Vorrei partire da due domande che vorrei sviluppare all‘interno del mio breve discorso.
La prima è questa: come può stare insieme la necessità di rappresentare le istanze dei giovani, che sono i più colpiti dalla crisi che va ad escludere per primi i precari (e quindi i giovani) dal mondo del lavoro, con il dato oggettivo del peso dei pensionati e degli iscritti anziani nelle liste dei confederali?
L'età dei lavoratori italiani union members is the highest in Europe. In Italy, the median worker union member has forty-four, four more than the European average.
The second question, in reality, it contains two: the reform of the labor market passes through the shift in the retirement age but this is likely to prevent young people from access to the job?
Very simply: If a man works up to 65 years instead of up to 62 for three years, he occupied a job that should be a young successor.
But at the same time not increase the retirement age is attributable to a pension system to the extreme, since it is more and more and pensions to be paid more and longer.
In Italy you retire at age 58, compared with 62 of the OECD average while youth unemployment is exactly twice the OECD average. This
how is it possible? Let's retire early but not free places for young people: there is something wrong.
Today a worker contributions and income taxes, pays about 45% of his salary to those who are retired, who in his time did not hold more than 30% of their salary.
E 'only natural that those who started work today will have a pension much lower (20-30% less than last salario) di chi la percepisce oggi.
Vediamo ancora una volta come questo sia il paese dei conflitti irrisolti nord vs sud, pubblico vs privato, giovani vs vecchi.
Questo tema viene ben approfondito in un libro che è stato pubblicato l'anno scorso, scritto da Tito Boeri e Vincenzo Galasso, dal titolo “Contro i giovani”.
I due autori sviluppano appunto la tesi che la classe dirigente di oggi stia agendo contro le giovani generazioni. C’è una frase molto bella che viene ripetuta più volte nel libro: i genitori italiani sono molto generosi coi propri figli e lo sono molto poco con quelli degli altri.
Non stiamo pensando al domani: su ogni giovane italiano gravano 80000 euro € 250,000 of debt and debt retirement.
Here is the link to the current crisis we are experiencing.
Riccardo Illy in his latest book "The Chinese frog" and in a recent interview supports the thesis that the crisis may also contain the opportunity to destabilize sclerotized structures and to allow innovation in terms of social relations and economic dynamics.
After the reforms in Italy arrived in the 90's in a period of severe financial reform. When things go wrong it's easier because you are forced to intervene. The British also have a name for a moment like this, they call TINA: There Is No Alternative, we have no choice. A third reform of European labor market and social protection systems in the past two decades have been made in times of recession: the negative consequences we draw from a positive to finally make the structural reforms that serve our country.
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